A comparison between the quality of public and private education

When I walk towards an object, it is necessary first that I should will to go there, and, in the second place, that my feet should carry me. The government is on a small scale what the body politic which includes it is on a great one.

We can see, for instance, that each magistrate is more active in the body to which he belongs than each citizen in that to which he belongs, and that consequently the particular will has much more influence on the acts of the government than on those of the Sovereign; for each magistrate is almost always charged with some governmental function, while each citizen, taken singly, exercises no function of Sovereignty.

But, as countless events may change the relations of a people, not only may different governments be good for different peoples, but also for the same people at different times.

Finally, without departing directly from the end for which it was instituted, it may deviate more or less from it, according to the manner of its constitution.

This last relation may be represented as that between the extreme terms of a continuous proportion, which has government as its mean proportional. This principle being fundamental, we must do our best to make it clear.

From this it follows that, the larger the State, the less the liberty. Or it may restrict the government to a small number, so that there are more private citizens than magistrates; and this is named aristocracy.

From this we see that there is not a single unique and absolute form of government, but as many governments differing in nature as there are States differing in size.

I call then government, or supreme administration, the legitimate exercise of the executive power, and prince or magistrate the man or the body entrusted with that administration.

I have just proved that the government grows remiss in proportion as the number of the magistrates increases; and I previously proved that, the more numerous the people, the greater should be the repressive force.

The government gets from the Sovereign the orders it gives the people, and, for the State to be properly balanced, there must, when everything is reckoned in, be equality between the product or power of the government taken in itself, and the product or power of the citizens, who are on the one hand sovereign and on the other subject.

It follows from this double relation that the continuous proportion between the Sovereign, the prince and the people, is by no means an arbitrary idea, but a necessary consequence of the nature of the body politic.

This third form is the most usual, and is called monarchy, or royal government.

Lastly, as there is only one mean proportional between each relation, there is also only one good government possible for a State. Suppose the State is composed of ten thousand citizens.

The body politic has the same motive powers; here too force and will are distinguished, will under the name of legislative power and force under that of executive power. From this it follows that the relation of the magistrates to the government should vary inversely to the relation of the subjects to the Sovereign; that is to say, the larger the State, the more should the government be tightened, so that the number of the rulers diminish in proportion to the increase of that of the people.

It is simply and solely a commission, an employment, in which the rulers, mere officials of the Sovereign, exercise in their own name the power of which it makes them depositaries.

In a perfect act of legislation, the individual or particular will should be at zero; the corporate will belonging to the government should occupy a very subordinate position; and, consequently, the general or sovereign will should always predominate and should be the sole guide of all the rest.

In the person of the magistrate we can distinguish three essentially different wills: This form of government is called democracy. I am speaking, not of absolute force, but of the relative force of the different parts of the State.

Here we have what is, in the State, the basis of government, often wrongly confused with the Sovereign, whose minister it is. Thus the relative force or activity of the government decreases, while its absolute or real force cannot increase.

According to the natural order, on the other hand, these different wills become more active in proportion as they are concentrated. The difficulties lie in the manner of so ordering this subordinate whole within the whole, that it in no way alters the general constitution by affirmation of its own, and always distinguishes the particular force it possesses, which is destined to aid in its preservation, from the public force, which is destined to the preservation of the State; and, in a word, is always ready to sacrifice the government to the people, and never to sacrifice the people to the government.About This Tool GI BillĀ® Comparison Tool: About This Tool.

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Thus at Venice the College, even in the absence of the Doge, is called "Most Serene Prince." The Palatine of Posen, father of the King of Poland, Duke of Lorraine.

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A comparison between the quality of public and private education
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